Divide the dictators, President Trump — don’t unite them

Chinese leader Xi Jinping hosted the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit in Tianjin before holding a massive military parade on Wednesday in Beijing to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the victory in the so-called anti-fascist and patriotic war against Japan.

Xi was flanked by such friendly authoritarian leaders as Russian President Vladimir Putin and North Korea’s Kim Jong Un during the lavish display of China’s military might, which they viewed from a pavilion overlooking Tiananmen Square.

The series of reports from China on the pomp reminded me of the infamous Greater East Asia Conference hosted by Japan in 1943.

The Greater East Asia Conference was convened in Tokyo to demonstrate, both domestically and internationally, Japan’s justification for “liberating” Asia from the colonial rule of Western powers. Representatives from Imperial Japan's allies and countries that had declared independence under Tokyo's influence were invited. Attendees included host Prime Minister Hideki Tojo, the state council premier of Manchukuo, the president of the Executive Yuan of the Reorganized National Government of the Republic of China (also known as the Nanjing Nationalist Government), a Thai prince on behalf of the country's prime minister, the president of the Philippines, the prime minister of Burma and, as an observer, a representative from the Provisional Government of Free India.

As I often say, history does not repeat itself, but it sometimes rhymes.

At Wednesday's military parade, Xi said: “The Chinese people's war of resistance against Japan was an important part of the global war against fascism. They made tremendous national sacrifices and made significant contributions to saving human civilization and safeguarding world peace.” They “stand firmly on the right side of history and on the side of progress in human civilization. We will adhere to the path of peaceful development and join hands with people of all countries to build a community with a shared future for mankind.”

Xi's objectives were clear: first, to elevate China's national prestige; second, to strengthen alliances among authoritarian leaders like Putin and Kim; and third, to rewrite history by asserting the Chinese Communist Party's victory in the war against fascism. Through these actions, China aims to counterbalance Western nations like the U.S. and Japan while intensifying its outreach to so-called Global South nations that do not necessarily align with China.

Furthermore, to reinforce this narrative, China is promoting its “Global Governance Initiative,” proclaiming itself as the “champion of free trade” and “guardian of the postwar order.” This initiative advocates that sovereign states should be equal, the rule of law should be established internationally and the world should become multipolar. One Chinese expert commented that its purpose is “to strengthen the centripetal force and cohesion of the Chinese nation and to inspire them in advancing national construction.”

With this in mind, let me revisit the Greater East Asia Joint Declaration adopted in Tokyo on Nov. 6, 1943, which set out the following principles:

• Construction of stability and coexistence and co-prosperity in Greater East Asia
• Respect for autonomy and independence and the fostering of friendship
• Respect for and the exaltation of traditions and cultures
• Economic development and prosperity based on mutual benefit
• Abolition of racial discrimination, cultural exchange and contributions to world development through free access to resources

Despite the difference in era and participating nations, I cannot help but see a striking parallel between the 1943 declaration and Xi's recent speeches.

If so, will China's current ambitions, much like Japan's “Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere” over 80 years ago, end in historical failure? Or will China succeed this time in liberating Asia from Western domination? I remain highly skeptical. Let me reexamine the feasibility of China's objectives that I mentioned above.

First, national prestige. China’s military parade reminded me of the one held in Washington on June 14, commemorating the 250th Anniversary of the founding of the U.S. Army, which also happened to coincide with President Donald Trump’s birthday. Admittedly, compared to the somewhat loose marching style of U.S. soldiers, the perfectly synchronized movements of massive troop formations in Beijing were impressive. However, this does not necessarily signify the “strength” of the People’s Liberation Army. At the very least, it shows that U.S. soldiers do not spend their time honing parade skills like those in China or North Korea.

Second is the coordination between dictators. In the VIP seats of the Beijing anniversary parade, the dictators of China, Russia and North Korea appeared together, but their ambitions are like three people sharing the same bed while each dreams a different dream. Their motivations are likely tactical. For each dictator, relations with the United States are paramount and they would not hesitate to sacrifice the others to protect that interest. Ultimately, this is the true nature of alliances among authoritarians.

Third is “rewriting history,” but this also seems unlikely to succeed. In China, the Kuomintang Army was the main force that fought the Japanese military; there is no historical evidence that the Communist Party was the primary protagonist of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression. Even the Japanese at the time likely did not believe they lost the Pacific War to the Chinese Communist Party, but rather to the U.S. military. At the very least, there was no substance to a Chinese Communist Party-proposed anti-Japanese national united front, nor was the “war of resistance” against Japan a significant part of the global anti-fascist war.

The final points about being the “champion of free trade,” the “guardian of the postwar order” and the “Global Governance Initiative” are also hard to believe. China's state mercantilism thrived by exploiting the weaknesses of free trade. The guardians of the postwar order are the Western nations whether you like it or not; China and Russia are merely challengers to that order. China's Global Governance Initiative is fundamentally no different from pre-war Japan's attempts to expand its hegemony through self-righteous logic.

Nevertheless, this Chinese diplomatic offensive appears to have achieved some results. This is because the recent success in propaganda is not the result of Xi's ingenious efforts, but rather is an “own goal” by the Trump administration. Particularly concerning to me is the recent deterioration in U.S.-India relations. The only saving grace was that the Indian prime minister did not attend the military parade in Beijing this time. As long as Trump’s erratic foreign policies continue, China, Russia, Iran and North Korea will keep laughing.